fast forward to 3:20 for guest speaker Rod Class and 1:13:05 for Joyce Rosenwald
fast forward to 4:25 for guest speaker Joyce Rosenwald
My people came to this land to escape oppression in Europe. I was born here and raised in Freedom. Many people arrived here in many ways. Some packed up their meager possessions and sailed across the ocean to seek freedom from oppression, freedom to worship their God in their way. They came as indentured servants. They came on prison ships. Some came as slaves. Some had always been here.
They came to escape the feudal system where they and their children were bound to the land of others and they could own nothing.
Together we built a Republic that was strong and offered opportunity to be all that you could be regardless of the color of your skin, or your ethnic background.
Together we built a nation where freedom flourished. The United States of America grew into the Crown Jewel of nations.
And then, you came for our country. You wanted our wealth, our resources, and our people. Slowly over years you corrupted our people, our money, our law, and our liberty.
We put you in places of honor and trust as our leaders and you betrayed us. We would not, could not, believe that you would work to destroy our Nation.
But now the people know what you have done. Your charade of government has been exposed. The Truth is now known and I as an American am telling you, YOU CAN’T Have MY COUNTRY. You will not take my freedom.
I will not worship government, as God.
I will not ask you for permission to live.
I will no longer be a financial slave to you.
I will not obey your private law.
You will not have my children or my posterity.
You will not give my country away to pay your debt.
I withdraw my allegiance to you.
I owe you nothing.
Let’s see what you are made of when you can no longer hide behind your pretend office.
It’s over for you. Your days of Fascist rule are gone.
I am a citizen of the United States of America, not a corporation and your corporate laws do not apply to me.
I am not a ship at sea. I’m standing on the land of my fore fathers that you have attempted to steal from me.
I can no longer stand quietly by and allow you to dismantle what has taken so many people so long to build.
So, come on. Let’s see what you are made of.
Try and take my country from me.
” When in the Course of human events it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another…………….” These are the words that started a Revolution propelling several English colonies into the nation known as “The United States of America.” This new nation was designed to function under the law of Nature and Nature’s God. The people believed they would never again hear the words of enslavement, i.e.; “under the sovereignty of the King.” Living under the sovereignty of the King made you the King’s chattel. He owned you. You were his property. You could own nothing, not even your children. The King ruled by divine right. The framers of this new nation claimed it was designed to be a government “of the people, by the people, for the people.” Representatives of this government were to be elected by the people, not born to power. And so, in 1776 the great experiment in freedom, known as “The United states of America” began.
People from each colony fought in the Great War to enable the colony to become a Sovereign Nation State. These States then created a new state, designed to exclusively serve the several Sovereign Nation States. Under this concept the nation of States united was born. Every sovereign Nation State joining the Union had a Constitution. The newly created state received one as well. It was written by the people of the several states and was titled “The Constitution for The united States of America.” This new state was “delegated” 17 authorities by the several states. The people never intended that it should over step it’s delegated authorities.
Some scholars believe the freedom ended before the ink was dry on the contract written between the people and their new government, “The Constitution.” There is some question as to exactly where and when the new nation faltered. Some say it was in 1789, with the Judiciary Act. Others say it was after the Civil War. Still others claim it was in 1913 or 1921 or perhaps in 1933…….History tells us the Supreme Court of the United States government claims it was when the Union itself was formed.
In the case New Hampshire v. Louisiana and others.; New York v. Louisiana and others, (1) it states that:
“all the rights of the States as independent nations were surrendered to the United States. The States are not nations, either as between themselves or towards foreign nations. They are sovereign within their spheres, but their sovereignty stops short of nationality. Their political status at home and abroad is that of States in the united States. They can neither make war nor peace without the consent of the national government. Neither can they, except with like consent, “enter into any agreement or compact with another State.” Art. 1, sec. 10, cl. 3. ” The relation of one of the united States to its citizens is not that of an independent sovereign State to its citizens. A sovereign State seeking redress of another sovereign State on behalf of its citizens can resort to war on refusal, which a State cannot do. The state, having been a sovereign, with powers to make war, issue letters of marque and reprisal, and otherwise to act in a belligerent way, resigned these powers into the control of the United States, to be held in trust. ”
In United States v. Chamberlin, (2) the Supreme Court of the United States Decided, to wit:
It is a familiar principle that the King is not bound by any act of Parliament unless he be named therein by special and particular words. The most general words that can be devised (for example, any person or persons, bodies politic or corporate) affect not him in the least, if they may tend to restrain or diminish any of his rights and interests.
He may even take the benefit of any particular act, though not named. THE RULE THUS SETTLED RESPECTING THE BRITISH CROWN IS EQUALLY APPLICABLE TO THIS GOVERNMENT, AND IT HAS BEEN APPLIED FREQUENTLY IN THE DIFFERENT STATES, AND PRACTICALLY IN THE FEDERAL COURTS. IT MAY BE CONSIDERED AS SETTLED THAT SO MUCH OF THE ROYAL PREROGATIVES AS BELONGED TO THE KING IN HIS CAPACITY OF PARENS PATRIAE, OR UNIVERSAL TRUSTEE, ENTERS AS MUCH INTO OUR POLITICAL STATE AS IT DOES INTO THE PRINCIPLES OF THE BRITISH CONSTITUTION.
Under most religious law, the children belong to the parents. It is a moral obligation on the part of the parents to care for and educate their children in their existing social values and morals.
In 1921, the federal Sheppard-Towner Maternity Act (3) was passed creating birth “registration” or what we now know as the “birth certificate.” It was known as the “Maternity Act” and was sold to the american people as a law that would reduce maternal and infant mortality, protect the health of mothers and infants, and for other purposes. One of those other purposes provided for the establishment of a federal bureau designed to cooperate with state agencies in the overseeing of its operations and expenditures. This can now be seen as the first attempt of “government by appointment,” or cooperation of state governments to aid the federal government in usurping the legislative process of the several states as exists today through the federal grant in aid to the states programs.
Prior to 1921 the records of births and names of children were entered into family bibles, as were the records of marriages and deaths. These records were readily accepted by both the family and the law as “official” records. Since 1921 the american people have been registering the births and names of their children with the government of the state in which they are born, even though there is no federal law requiring it. The state claims an interest in every child within it’s jurisdiction, telling the parents that registering their child’s birth through the birth certificate serves as proof that he/she was born in the united States, thereby making him/her a united states citizen.
In 1923, a suit was brought against federal officials charged with the administration of the act. (Commonwealth of Massachusetts v. Mellon, Secretary of the Treasury, et al.; Frothingham v. Mellon, Secretary of the Treasury et.al..). (4) The plaintiff, Mrs Frothingham, averred that the act was unconstitutional, and that it’s purpose was to induce the States to yield sovereign rights reserved by them and not granted the federal government, under the Constitution, and that the burden of the appropriations falls unequally upon the several States. The complaint stated the naked contention that Congress has usurped reserved powers of the States by the mere enactment of the statute, though nothing has been, or is to be, done under it without their consent Mr. Alexander Lincoln, Assistant Attorney General, argued for the Commonwealth of Massachusetts. To wit:
The act is unconstitutional. It purports to vest in agencies of the Federal Government powers which are almost wholly undefined, in matters relating to maternity and infancy, and to authorize appropriations of federal funds for the purposes of the act.
Many examples may be given and were stated in the debates on the bill in Congress of regulations which may be imposed under the act. THE FORCED REGISTRATION OF PREGNANCY, GOVERNMENTAL PRENATAL EXAMINATION OF EXPECTANT MOTHERS, RESTRICTIONS ON THE RIGHT OF A WOMAN TO SECURE THE SERVICES OF A MIDWIFE OR PHYSICIAN OF HER OWN SELECTION, are measures to which the people of those States which accept its provisions may be subjected. There is nothing which prohibits the payment of subsidies out of federal appropriations. INSURANCE OF MOTHERS MAY BE MADE COMPULSORY.
THE TEACHING OF BIRTH CONTROL AND PHYSICAL INSPECTION OF PERSONS ABOUT TO MARRY MAY BE REQUIRED.
The act gives all necessary powers to cooperate with the state agencies in the administration of the act. Hence it is given the power to assist in the enforcement of the plans submitted to it, and for that purpose by its agents to go into the several States and to do those acts for which the plans submitted may provide. As to what those plans shall provide the final arbiters are the Bureau and the Board. THE FACT THAT IT WAS CONSIDERED NECESSARY IN EXPLICIT TERMS TO PRESERVE FROM INVASION BY FEDERAL OFFICIALS THE RIGHT OF THE PARENT TO THE CUSTODY AND CARE OF HIS CHILD AND THE SANCTITY OF HIS HOME SHOWS HOW FAR REACHING ARE THE POWERS WHICH WERE INTENDED TO BE GRANTED BY THE ACT.
It was further stated in the complaint that “The act is invalid because it assumes powers not granted to Congress and usurps the local police power. (5) In more recent cases, however, the Court has shown that there are limits to the power of Congress to pass legislation purporting to be based on one of the powers expressly granted to Congress which in fact usurps the reserved powers of the States, and that laws showing on their face detailed regulation of a matter wholly within the police power of the States will be held to be unconstitutional although they purport to be passed in the exercise of some constitutional power. (6) It went on to state:
“The act is not made valid by the circumstance that federal powers are to be exercised only with respect to those States which accept the act, for Congress cannot assume, and state legislatures cannot yield, the powers reserved to the States by the Constitution. (7)
The act is invalid because it imposes on each State an illegal option either to yield a part of its powers reserved by the Tenth Amendment or to give up its share of appropriations under the act. ”
” A statute attempting, by imposing conditions upon a general privilege, to exact a waiver of a constitutional right, is null and void. ” (8)
“The act is invalid because it sets up a system of government by cooperation between the Federal Government and certain of the States, not provided by the Constitution.”
“Congress cannot make laws for the States, and it cannot delegate to the States the power to make laws for the United States.” (9)
In 1933, bankruptcy was covertly declared by President Roosevelt. The governors of the then 48 States pledged the”full faith and credit” of their states, including the citizenry, as collateral for loans of credit from the Federal Reserve system. “Full faith and credit” clause of Const. U.S. article 4. sec. 1, requires that foreign judgement be given such faith and credit as it had by law or usage of state of it’s origin.
That foreign statutes are to have force and effect to which they are entitled in home state. And that a judgement or record shall have the same faith, credit, conclusive effect, and obligatory force in other states as it has by law or usage in the state from whence taken. Black’s Law Dictionary, 4th Ed. cites omitted.
Today the federal government “mandates, orders and compels” the states to enforce federal jurisdiction upon it’s citizens/subjects. This author believes the federal government draws it’s de facto jurisdiction for these actions from the “Doctrine of Parens Patriae.” Patens patriae means literally, “parent of the country.” It refers traditionally to the role of state as sovereign and guardian of persons under legal disability.
Parens patriae originates from the English common law where the King had a royal prerogative to act as guardian to persons with legal disabilities such as infants.
With the birth registration established, the federal government, under the doctrine of parens patriae, had the mechanism to take over all the assets of the American people and put them into debt into perpetuity. Under this doctrine, if one is born with a disability, the state, (the sovereign) has the responsibility to take care of you. This author believes that the disability you are born with is, in fact, the birth itself. I believe that when you are born, you are born free, a “citizen of the soil,” an American National. Parents, without full disclosure under law, make application for a “birth certificate,” thereby making the child a citizen of the corporate government known as the United States. The government then turns the new citizen into a corporation under the laws of the state. The birth information is collected by the state and is then turned over to the U.S. Department of Commerce. The corporation is then placed into a “trust”, known as a “Cestui Que Trust”. A cestui que trust is defined as: He who has a right to a beneficial interest in and out of an estate the legal title to which is vested in another; The beneficiary of another. Cestui que use is : He for whose use and benefit lands or tenements are held by another. The cestui que use has the right to receive the profits and benefits of the estate, but the legal title and possession, as well the duty of defending the same, reside in the other.
The government becomes the Trustee, while the child becomes the beneficiary of his own trust. Legal title to everything the child will ever own is now vested in the federal government. The government then places the Trust into the hands of the parents, who are made the “guardians.” The child may reside in the hands of the guardians (parents) until such time as the state claims that the parents are no longer capable to serve. The state then goes into the home and removes the “trust” from the guardians. At majority, the parents lose their guardianship.
The subject of every birth certificate is a child. The child is a valuable asset, which if properly trained, can contribute valuable assets provided by its labor for many years. The child itself is the asset of the trust established by the birth certificate. “Title” to your child is now owned by the state. The state now directs the trust corpus and provides “benefits” for the beneficiary — the corpus and beneficiary being one and the same — the citizen — first as child, then as adult.
The debt transfers from the death of one corpus to the birth of another through the process know as “Novation.” Novation is defined as “the substitution of a new contract between same or different parties; The substitution of a new debt or obligation for an existing one; The substitution of one debtor for another or of one creditor for another, whereby the old debt is extinguished. This author believes the debt of an individual is extinguished at his death, and the same debt is then transfered to a new individual when he/she is born through the registering of the birth, thereby creating a new corpus that will again reside in the hands of the trust.
Each one of us, including our children, are considered assets of the bankrupt United States which acts as the “Debtor in Possession.”. We are now designated by this government as “HUMAN RESOURCES,” with new such resources being added (born) continually. The bankruptcy is a receivership, rather than a discharged bankruptcy. The bankruptcy debts are serviced, not paid or discharged. The Human Resources service the debt, which continues to grow with time.
The federal government, under Title 15, U.S.C., re-delegates federal parens patriae authority to the state attorney generals. The attorney generals’ can now enforce all legislation involving your personal life , the lives of your children, and your material assets.
In today’s society the government, through the doctrine of parens patriae, has already instituted it’s control of our children through the legislative process. Medical treatments are enforced through the court with threats of loss of your child if the treatment is challenged.
Vaccinations are now mandatory. Refusal may result in the loss of your child under the guise of “child neglect” (failure to preserve the trust corpus). If you spank your child or cause him/her any embarrassment or indignities, you are also at risk of having your child taken from you under the guise of child abuse (damaging the trust corpus).
Some states have legislation either pending or passed to give social workers arrest authority. School nurses may now report any suspected child abuse to the proper authorities. Warrantless searches of your home are tolerated by the courts, all in the name of safety for the child.
The Sun Sentinel, a Florida news paper, reported on March 15, 1996 that limits on the ability of divorced parents to relocate when minor children are involved were clarified by the Florida Supreme Court. The high court three years ago approved a policy favoring relocation requests of custodial parents as long as such moves are made in good faith for the well being of parents and children. Also, the justices ruled at that time, moves cannot be made “from a vindictive desire to interfere with the visitation rights of the other parent.” The right of locomotion is held as an element of personal liberty. Restraint upon the right of locomotion was a well-known feature of slavery abolished by the Thirteenth Amendment. A first requisite of the right to appropriate the use of another man was to become the master of his natural power of motion. The control by government courts (supra) of an individuals’ freedom of locomotion could be construed as a sign of ownership of the individual, or slavery .
It’s been reported that in California, early in the year, an assembly woman, in regard to education policy, made the statement ” the children belong to the STATE. ”
Parens Patriae legislation covers every area of your personal life. Federal parens patriae legislation can be found in Title 15 of the
United States Code:
Sec. 15h. Applicability of parens patriae actions
Sections 15c, 15d, 15e, 15f, and 15g of this title shall apply in any State, unless such State provides by law for its nonapplicability in such State.
The primary responsibility of a State is to protect it’s citizens from the tyranny of the federal government. The Federal Constitution claims a citizen can seek redress and protection under the 14th Amendment of the Federal Constitution for any state legislation that brings them an injury by depriving them of a civil right. A state may sue the Federal government for protection for it’s citizens if federal legislation violates the Constitutions of the several states and brings harm to it’s citizens. The 14th Amendment did not authorize congress to create a code of municipal law for the regulation of private rights. Positive rights and privileges are undoubtedly secured by the fourteenth amendment, but they are secured by way of prohibition against state laws and state proceedings affecting those rights and privileges. The amendment was intended to provide against state laws, or state action of some kind, adverse to the rights of the citizen secured by the amendment. Such legislation cannot properly cover the whole domain of rights appertaining to life, liberty and property, defining them and providing for their vindication. That would be to establish a code of municipal law regulative of all private rights between man and man in society. It would be to make congress take the place of the state legislatures and to supersede them.
However, the Supreme Court in the above case ruled that: A State may not, as parens patriae, institute judicial proceedings to protect her citizens (who are no less citizens of the United States), from the operation of a federal statute upon the ground that, as applied to them, it is unconstitutional.
The parens patriae power has been recognized and exercised from time immemorial as being under the rule of a tyrant.
Note: The Maternity Act was eventually repealed, but parts of it have been found in other legislative acts. What this act attempted to do was set up government by appointment, run by bureaucrats with re-delegated authority outside of Constitutional authority, with the ability to tax, which is in itself unconstitutional and represents taxation without representation. This type of government is in place today and is known as “Regionalism.” The federal government couldn’t fool the people in 1921 into surrendering their sovereignty, but in1933…………………………….
1. New Hampshire v. Louisiana and others.; New York v. Louisiana and others, 108 U.S. 76, 27 L. Ed. 656, 2 S. Ct. 176, March 5, 1883.
2. United States v. Chamberlin 219 U.S. 250, 55 L. Ed. 204, 31 S. Ct. 155, January 3, 1911
3. Sheppard-Towner Maternity Act, Public Law 97, 67th Congress, Session I, chapter 135.
4. Commonwealth of Massachusetts v. Mellon, Secretary of the Treasury, et al.; Frothingham v. Mellon, Secretary of the Treasury et.al.. 262 U.S. 447, 67 L.Ed. 1078, 43 S. Ct. 597.
5. McCulloch v. Maryland, 4 Wheat. 316, 405; United States v. Cruikshank, 92 U.S. 542, 549-551.
6. Hammer v. Dagenhart, 247 U.S. 251; Child Labor Tax Case, 259 U.S. 20; Hill v. Wallace, 259 U.S. 44.
7. Message of President Monroe, May 4, 1822; 4 Elliot’s Debates, p. 525; Pollard’s Lessee v. Hagan, 3 How. 212; Escanaba Co. v. Chicago, 107 U.S. 678; Coyle v. Oklahoma, 221 U.S. 559; Cincinnati v. Louisville & Nashville R.R. Co., 223 U.S. 390.
8. Harrison v. St. Louis & San Francisco R.R. Co., 232 U.S. 318; Terral v. Burke Construction Co., 257 U.S. 529.
9. In re Rahrer, 140 U.S. 545; Knickerbocker Ice Co. v. Stewart, 253 U.S. 149; Opinion of the Justices, 239 Mass. 606.
CONCEIVED IN LIBERTY
Resolution of the Kentucky Legislature on 19 November, 1799 declared:
Whensoever the general government assumes undelegated powers, its acts are unauthoritative, void and of no force; that to the contract (the Constitution) each State acceded as a State and is an integral party; that government created by this Contract was not made the exclusive or final judge of the extent of the powers delegated to itself, since that would have made its discretion, and not the Constitution, the measures of its powers. But, that as in all other cases of compact among parties having no common judge, each party has an equal right to judge for itself as well as of in fraction as of the mode and measure of redress.
There are few documents of the early period of this Republic which possess a greater interest than the series of resolutions adopted in Virginia and Kentucky in 1798-99. They were the first official documents expressing the sentiment of the people regarding federal versus State jurisdiction. The resolutions of 1798, and the subsequent confirmation of their doctrines, survived many years and left no shadow of doubt upon them. The events leading to their penning hold as much interest.
Within the national government itself, the principal struggle for power has always been between the executive and legislative departments. The judiciary was hardly more than a spectator of this conflict. For the first fourteen years of its existence, the Supreme Court failed to play the commanding role Hamilton had assigned it in The Federalist. There were no epoch making decisions handed down from that tribunal; not a few Justices resigned in order to accept appointments in the state judiciaries; and on several occasions the office of Chief Justice went begging. In 1800, when John Jay declined reappointment as Chief Justice, he gave as his reason his conviction that “under a system so defective it would not obtain the energy, weight and dignity which was essential to its affording due support to the national government; nor acquire the public confidence and respect which, as the last resort, of the justice of the nation, it should possess.”
In 1798, there was the feeling among the American people that their new government may somehow involve them in the war between Great Britain and France. Having just fought a long, bloody war for their own independence which left the country in debt, the people were not anxious to get involved in someone else’s fight. Newspaper articles attesting to those views with criticism of the Federal government were rampant. In retaliation, the new government passed Alien and Sedition laws restricting comments on the action of government. These laws greatly restricted the First Amendment rights secured to the people by the federal Constitution. There was concern that this action was usurpation by the federal government of delegated constitutional jurisdiction. In every State in the Union the government and its officials were protected by statute or common law against the practices which the Sedition Acts laid under duress. No Federalist was willing to admit that in this regard the states possessed larger powers than did the federal government.
By the end of 1798 some Virginians were speaking of the federal government “as an enemy infinitely more formidable and infinitely more to be guarded against than the French. Among these Virginians were Thomas Jefferson and James Madison. As early as 1797, Jefferson referred to the federal government as a “foreign jurisdiction.” As Vice President of the United States, he urged the Virginia legislature to enact a law making liable to punishment citizens of Virginia who attempted to carry cases to the federal courts when those courts did not have clear and uncontested jurisdiction. In Jefferson’s opinion, the Alien and Sedition Acts made it imperative that the powers assumed by the federal government must be curbed if American liberty were to survive. Jefferson feared the theory of federal power upon which these acts were based quite as much as he did the operation of the acts themselves. For, if it were conceded that the federal courts were authorized by the Constitution to take cognizance of all cases arising under the common law, there could be no doubt that the “beautiful equilibrium” established by the Constitution between the States and the federal government would be destroyed and that the federal government would usurp “all the powers of the State governments and reduce the country to a single consolidated government.” The common law, said Jefferson, could become law in the United States only by positive adoption only insofar as American legislatures were authorized to adopt it.
Jefferson called in James Madison for consultation. Madison characterized federal inherent or implied powers as “the creatures of ambition……….Powers extracted from such sources will be indefinitely multiplied by the aid of armies and patronage which, with the impossibility of controlling them by any demarcation, would presently terminate reasoning, and ultimately swallow up the State sovereignties.”
The fruit of Madison’s and Jefferson’s collaboration was the Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions. Jefferson was the author of the Kentucky Resolutions and Madison drew up the statement adopted by the Virginia legislature, but neither man signed them.
These acts marked an important stage in the progress of the theory that ultimately led to the nullification by a State of a federal law. According to Jefferson’s and Madison’s interpretation of the Constitution, it created nothing more than a compact between sovereign States which confided certain narrowly defined powers to the general government while reserving all residual powers to the States. Being the creators of the Constitution, the States were alone capable of judging when infractions of this instrument of government occurred, and they alone were able to devise measures of redress. In effect, the States were called upon to mediate between the people and the federal government, but it was assumed that usurpation would always come from the federal government rather than from the States. Carried to its logical conclusion, the doctrine propounded by the Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions meant that the compact between the States was a moral rather than a legal obligation and that the preservation of the Union was left to the discretion of the parties concerned. The Kentucky Resolutions were passed in the legislature with a single dissenting voice.
“First. Resolved, That every officer of the federal government, whether legislative, executive, or judicial, is the servant of the people and is amenable and accountable to them. That being so, it becomes the people to watch over their conduct with vigilance, and to censure and remove them as they may judge expedient. That the more elevated the office and the more important the duties connected with it may be, the more important is a scrutiny and examination into the conduct of the officer. And that to repose a blind and implicit reliance in the conduct of any such officer or servant is doing injustice to ourselves.
“Second. Resolved, That war with France is impolitic and must be ruinous to America in her present situation.
“Third. Resolved, That we will at the hazard of our lives and fortunes, support the Union, the independence, the Constitution, and the liberty of the united States.
“Fourth. Resolved, That an alliance with Great Britain would be dangerous and impolitic; that should defensive exertions be found necessary, we would rather support the burden of them alone than embark our interests and happiness with that corrupt and tottering monarchy.
“Fifth. Resolved, That the powers given to the president to raise armies, when he may judge necessary—–without restriction as to number,——and to borrow money to support them, without limitation as to the sum to be borrowed or the quantum of interest to be given on the loan, are dangerous and unconstitutional.
“Sixth. Resolved, That the Alien bill is unconstitutional, impolitic, unjust, and disgraceful to the American character.
“Seventh. Resolved, That the privilege of printing and publishing our sentiments on all public questions is inestimable, and that it is unequivocally acknowledged and secured to us by the constitution of the united States; that all the laws made to impair or destroy it are void, and that we will exercise and assert our just right in opposition to any law that may be passed to deprive us of it.
“Eighth. Resolved, That the bill which is said to be now before congress, defining the crime of treason and sedition and prescribing the punishments thereof, as it has been presented to the public, is the most abominable that was ever attempted to be imposed upon a nation of free men.
“Ninth, Resolved, That there is a sufficient reason to believe, and we do believe, that our liberties are in danger; and we pledge ourselves to each other and our country that we will defend them against all unconstitutional attacks that may be made upon them.
“Tenth. Resolved, That the forgoing resolutions be transmitted to our representative in congress, by the chairman, certified by the secretary, and that he be requested to present them to each branch of the legislature and to the president, and that they also be published in the Kentucky Gazette.
The headline you=ll never see……
FRANKLIN DELANO ROOSEVELT……… Architect of American enslavement
Former President Franklin Delano Roosevelt had been nominated to be named the Man of the Century. The criteria the establishment press uses to judge excellence never ceases to amaze me. If your agenda is to support the socialization of America, what better man to honor than Franklin D. Roosevelt, the idol of President Clinton. I am convinced, as a student of history, that in generations to come Franklin Delano Roosevelt will become known as the father of American Socialism.
In 1930, as Governor of New York, Franklin D. Roosevelt expressed the American tradition when he said:……..The Constitution does not empower the Congress to deal with a great number of vital problems of government such as the conduct of public utilities, of education, of social welfare and a dozen other important features…. and Washington must not be encouraged to interfere in these areas.Franklin Roosevelt, the Democratic party Presidential candidate in 1932, ran with the slogan “The New Deal.” Roosevelt’s intention, as told to the American people, was to give them less government. He called for an end to deficit spending and for sound money. The first three planks of the Democratic party platform read as follows:
” 1. An immediate and drastic reduction of governmental expenditures by abolishing useless commissions and offices, consolidating departments and bureaus and eliminating extravagance, to accomplish a saving of not less than 25 percent in the cost of the Federal government.
2. Maintenance of the national credit by a Federal budget annually balanced…..
3. A sound currency to be maintained at all hazards.”
Two years later, the newly elected FDR, with the catchy slogan and the blueprint of the program for the socialization of America began his presidency as the “Great Man” at the feet of whom the American people would lay down their liberties.
In his inaugural address, March 4, 1933, President Roosevelt told the American people ..the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no market for their produce; the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone. More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equally great number toil with little return… Yet our distress comes from no failure of substance….Nature still offers her bounty. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very light of the supply. Primarily this is good, because the rulers of the exchange of mankind’s goods have failed….have admitted their failure and have abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money-changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of a generation of self-seekers……Yes, the money-changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths. The measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit. We cannot go back to the old order.”
The old order, capitalism, became the enemy of the people, thereby making ownership of private property the symbol of those who would put property rights above social rights. Against all the old symbols of individualism and self-reliance was raised the attractive counter symbol of security. What this new president did not tell the American people was that he was about to embark on a program where the American people would be educated to relinquish their liberty for a little security.
The new President further declared that the people had “asked for discipline and direction under leadership”; that he would seek to bring speedy action “within my Constitutional authority”; and that he hoped the “normal balance of executive and legislative authority” could be maintained, and then he said: “But in the event that Congress shall fail…….and in the event that the national emergency is still critical…….I shall ask Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisis……..broad executive power to make war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe.”
A New Speak had not as yet been introduced to the American public. The word “emergency” was understood to mean what the dictionaries said it meant………a sudden crisis; a pressing necessity. Obviously, in retrospect, the word emergency meant much more to the new President. He interpreted it to mean he had the right to declare an emergency, and then cure that same emergency with a total reorganization of the constitutional structure of our government.
The first official act of President Roosevelt was to declare to the American people a contrived bankruptcy of the United States. Before the new Congress convened, on March 9, 1933 he declared bankruptcy, in the form of “A National Banking Holiday,” through Executive Orders 6073, 6102, 6111, and 6260. Simply, every bank in America closed. The banks were also forbidden to deal in foreign exchange or in any transfer of credit from the United States to any place abroad.
He then had ex post facto law passed by the Congress, which is forbidden by the national Constitution, stating, “Acts of the President and the Secretary of the Treasury since March 4, 1933 are hereby confirmed and approved.” This same act provided that no bank in the federal reserve system could resume business except subject to rules and regulation to be promulgated by the Secretary of the Treasury. This act gave the President absolute power over foreign exchange and authorized the Federal government to invest public funds in private bank stock, providing banks new capitol owned by the government. And, that same act authorized the President to require the American people to surrender their gold.
Congress did not write any of these acts. Congress received them from the White House and passed them. It was the first use of Congress as a “RUBBER STAMP” for Executive branch legislation. There is no constitutional authority for the Executive to make law. Under President Roosevelt, America took its first step toward totalitarian rule.
Converting rights to privilege by government was fine tuned in the Roosevelt administration. While in the guise of “Recovery,” Roosevelt’s “NEW DEAL” Presidency succeeded in:
1. repudiation of the gold standard, confiscation of the peoples gold, debasement of the currency, deliberate inflation, monetization of debt
2. creating the authority and power of executive government to rule by decrees and rules and regulations of its own making;
3. strengthened its hold upon the economic life of the nation;
4. extended its power over the individual;
5. degraded the parliamentary principle;
6. impaired the great American tradition of an independent, Constitutional judicial power;
7. weakened the power of private enterprise, the power of private finance, the power of state and local government;
At the end of President Roosevelt’s first year, in his annual message to the Congress, January 4, 1934, he said, “It is to the eternal credit of the American people that this tremendous readjustment of our national life is being accomplished peacefully.” This tremendous readjustment of our national life has, in retrospect, been recognized as the beginning of intrusion and the attempt at controlling every aspect of an individuals life by federal government.
Roosevelt created the doctrine of a planned economy. It included a scheme of taxation, class subsidies and Federal grants-in-aid designed to redistribute the national wealth for social justice, and it calculated to reduce millions of citizens to subservience.
He created in the Executive a principle of supreme government with extensive new powers, including the power to make its own laws by simply publishing in the Federal Register from its newly created administrative agencies rules and regulations having the force of law, with disobedience punishable by fine or imprisonment. Without a whimper from the American people, Roosevelt replaced the once great American Republic with the welfare state. Under Roosevelt we lost our wealth, we lost our law, and we took a giant step toward the loss of our liberty and freedom.
In 1938, distinguished newspaperman, author and editorial writer for the Saturday Evening Post, Garet Garrett, published an essay, “The Revolution Was.” In the opening paragraph, he said: “There are those who still think they are holding the pass against a revolution that may be coming up the road. But they are gazing in the wrong direction. The revolution is behind them. It went by in the Night of Depression, singing songs to freedom.”